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By Jiang Qing

As China keeps to remodel itself, many imagine that the country will finally movement past communism and undertake a Western-style democracy. yet may perhaps China advance a special kind of govt in keeping with its personal precise traditions? Jiang Qing--China's most unusual, provocative, and arguable Confucian political thinker--says convinced. during this booklet, he units out a imaginative and prescient for a Confucian constitutional order that provides a compelling replacement to either the established order in China and to a Western-style liberal democracy. A Confucian Constitutional Order is the main unique and systematic paintings on Confucian constitutionalism to this point.

Jiang argues opposed to the democratic view that the consent of the folk is the most resource of political legitimacy. as an alternative, he provides a finished method to in achieving humane authority in accordance with 3 resources of political legitimacy, and he derives and defends a suggestion for a tricameral legislature that may top characterize the Confucian political excellent. He additionally places ahead proposals for an establishment that might scale down the facility of parliamentarians and for a symbolic monarch who could include the old and transgenerational id of the country. within the latter component to the publication, 4 top liberal and socialist chinese language critics--Joseph Chan, Chenyang Li, Wang Shaoguang, and Bai Tongdong--critically overview Jiang's theories and Jiang provides specified responses to their perspectives.

A Confucian Constitutional Order presents a brand new average for comparing political growth in China and enriches the discussion of chances to be had to this speedily evolving country. This ebook will fascinate scholars and students of chinese language politics, and is key interpreting for an individual keen on China's political future.

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Extra resources for A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China's Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future

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The limits of empathy Yet empathy has distinct limits. It is impossible for us to experience love, a√ection, sympathy, and empathy for every human being with the same power that we feel for the precious few at the psychic center of our lives. If you harbor any doubts of the rapidly diminishing power of love and empathy, a test is readily at hand. I suggest that you compare the sacrifices you would be willing to make in order to prevent the death of a single member of your family or one of your closest friends with the sacrifices you would make to prevent 42 A Respectable Role for Emotions the deaths of thousands in a flood or famine in some distant part of the world where you know not a single person.

The historic change in 1957 (weak as it was) could not have been achieved without the energy and skills of the Senate leader, Lyndon Johnson∫ —who employed them again as president to secure the passage of the more robust laws of 1964 and 1965. The emotions that supported his relentless e√ort to gain their passage were complex. His private feelings about African Americans were mixed, combining elements of empathy with residues of prevailing Southern prejudice derived from his Texan background. But the driving force behind his e√orts was his incessant political ambition.

Love thy neighbor’’ is highly demanding; but it draws on fundamental qualities of human beings—our capacities for love, compassion, empathy, sympathy—that sometimes enable us to obey it. ‘‘Love every human being just as much as you do a member of your own family’’ would demand action hopelessly beyond human reach. Unless the search for political equality is driven by some basic aspects 31 Is Political Equality Achievable? of human beings, for all practical purposes it would be an irrelevant goal.

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